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ISBN: none
Author: Shaykh Abdalqadir as-Sufi
Publisher: Madinah Press (Spain)
Pages: 106 Binding: Paperback
Description from the publisher:
Introduction (from the book)
This brief survey of the fall of the Khalifate is a reading of history which opens the discourse of return.
Khalifate is not only fundamental to Islam, it is the necessary foundation of its power. Idealised concepts of what constitute a proper Khalif were a Shi'a diversion to guarantee, since it could always be claimed a specific person was not good enough, that the task was never taken on. Equally, the Arab claim that it belongs to the Quraish has not got an absolute authority, while the historicity of Osmani rule is the highest argument.
The Khilafa must return to the Islamic heartland of Anatolia, most of all because Sultaniyya was suspended there by coup d'etat. However appropriate it was in its moment that moment has gone. It created the second interregnum in Osmani rule, a brief rupture in Islamic rule, less than a hundred years. It is not the House of Osman that is at issue, but the return of Sultaniyya to the Islamic heartland of Istanbul, political core of Islam on the earth today. What other city can boast 1,200 mosques from which the Adhan goes out five times a day.
Time has unmasked the so-called salafi movement. It can now be seen as that instrument by which European imperialism imposed interest debt banking, territorial annexation, and the occupation of Arabistan by the British employing their puppet regime, the criminal Bedouins of the Saud tribe. All the high-flown and exalted discourse of madh-habs and taqlid versus ijtihad and ahadith, the whole operation in political terms meant the destruction of the Khalifate and its political integrity as well as an end to the Islamic belief in Allah's total power over existence. As Sultan Abdalhamid II acidly observed: "If Muhammad Abdu is such a champion of Arab independence why does he not oppose the British presence in Egypt?" Muhammad Abdu, student of the dubious Shi'a figure, Jamal ad-din al-Afghani), who was in fact Irani, is considered the founder of modern 'fundamentalist' theory. He was appointed Grand (Mufti in 1899, by Lord Cromer (of the Baring's Bank family) in order to legalise banking which the Azhar had pronounced harem in 1898. Cromer said of him: "I suspect my friend Abdu was in reality an agnostic." And of his salafi movement: "They are the natural allies of the European reformer." In Cairo the Post-Office Savings Bank was established in 1900 and the Agricultural Bank in 1902. [Modern Egypt: Cromer, Vol. 2,1908 ]
Every basic law of Islam that was swept aside, opened the door to kafir rule, poverty and disgrace. The much vaunted liberty, fraternity and equality were for an occupying force but not for the Muslims themselves. Once the Law of the Dhimmis was abolished it was a matter of time before the Turkish army was to forbid its soldiers to pray in Jama'at.
The police are to be found at the doors of the Sultan Ahmad Mosque on Jumu'ah, not at the synagogue or the cathedral. The people of the Book had always been protected, but in the end it was the Muslims who were forbidden to celebrate dhikr in the tekkes, the sufic Shaykhs, guardians of wisdom, silenced, imprisoned and killed. The turning of the Mevlevi sufis can be presented to the Catholic (Greek) Queen of Spain as ballet, yet remains forbidden to Muslims as an act of meditation.
Slavery, too, must be understood in the Islamic perspective. Slavery is an inescapable and constant part of the human situation. Islam does not abolish it, nowhere is that decreed. The fact is that a significant part of Islamic Law (one quarter of Al-Muwatta) deals with its strict laws. Islamic Law places the slave in domestic custody, assuring food and clothing, on a par with the owner. Most importantly, Islam does not consider slavery a doom. The slave moves to freedom through marriage or financial ability. Essentially, the slave goes from the base of society to its highest offices. All the governing elite of the Osmani state had been slaves. From the wife of Suleyman the Magnificent to the mother of Sultan Abdalhamid, the powerful political wives of the Sultan had been slaves.
It cannot be ignored that slavery, being unavoidable, simply metamorphoses under a different name, and without any legal protection whatsoever. The alternative is not 'liberty' anymore than the post-dhimmi situation offered 'fraternity'. The modern slave is, of course, the refugee. The refugee is doomed to social degradation, concentration camp status, permanent non-citizen stateless helplessness. Hong Kong Vietnamese, Rwanda Hutu, Afghan, Tibetan, Palestinian, and the slaughtered victims, of Sabra and Shatila. They are in institutionalised slavery, watched over and unrescued by the U.N. Commission on Refugees.
The so-called liberation of women, far from freeing them has plunged them into a social chaos, unprotected, the victims now of serial killers (a quite new phenomenon), rapists - with rape as a growing social reality already commonplace, wife-beating and ; the collapse of the institution of marriage, along with the acceptance of adultery as socially tolerable. School children are issued with contraceptives. Abortion - which in Islam has no legislation pertaining to it, but a dislike of it in custom - is an encouraged norm since it provides the beauty industry with anti-ageing preparations derived from aborted placentas. Add to this the advertising force of Hollywood's misogynistic movies endlessly portraying women as victims of male rage, and the results are clear to see. All but total social breakdown, and women unable to wield significant political power as they did in the Osmani-'Umma.
Lastly, the kafir society's social foundations rest on the institution of usury, called banking, which with its stock exchanges and worthless paper money has enslaved the whole world under the control of a tiny oligarchy of criminal adventurers, the great banker dynasties. Their corporation capitalist hegemony has all but destroyed the world's ecology, and devastated its social and population balance. Far from bringing 'equality' it has, in its name, guaranteed the oppression of the world's masses. The responsibility to free mankind from banking capitalism is the task of mankind's Middle Kingdom, the one 'Umma of Muslim peoples. Turkey must take up its Islamic task, as Ghazi Osman did, and unfurl the wrapped banner that waits for its hero in the Topkapi.
The purpose of this text is to confirm inescapably that our defeat was at the hands of the usurers, not the soldiers. No army can stand against the army of Islam - but no usury can survive Allah's and Rasul's declaration of war on it either.
Author: Shaykh Abdalqadir as-Sufi
Publisher: Madinah Press (Spain)
Pages: 106 Binding: Paperback
Description from the publisher:
Introduction (from the book)
This brief survey of the fall of the Khalifate is a reading of history which opens the discourse of return.
Khalifate is not only fundamental to Islam, it is the necessary foundation of its power. Idealised concepts of what constitute a proper Khalif were a Shi'a diversion to guarantee, since it could always be claimed a specific person was not good enough, that the task was never taken on. Equally, the Arab claim that it belongs to the Quraish has not got an absolute authority, while the historicity of Osmani rule is the highest argument.
The Khilafa must return to the Islamic heartland of Anatolia, most of all because Sultaniyya was suspended there by coup d'etat. However appropriate it was in its moment that moment has gone. It created the second interregnum in Osmani rule, a brief rupture in Islamic rule, less than a hundred years. It is not the House of Osman that is at issue, but the return of Sultaniyya to the Islamic heartland of Istanbul, political core of Islam on the earth today. What other city can boast 1,200 mosques from which the Adhan goes out five times a day.
Time has unmasked the so-called salafi movement. It can now be seen as that instrument by which European imperialism imposed interest debt banking, territorial annexation, and the occupation of Arabistan by the British employing their puppet regime, the criminal Bedouins of the Saud tribe. All the high-flown and exalted discourse of madh-habs and taqlid versus ijtihad and ahadith, the whole operation in political terms meant the destruction of the Khalifate and its political integrity as well as an end to the Islamic belief in Allah's total power over existence. As Sultan Abdalhamid II acidly observed: "If Muhammad Abdu is such a champion of Arab independence why does he not oppose the British presence in Egypt?" Muhammad Abdu, student of the dubious Shi'a figure, Jamal ad-din al-Afghani), who was in fact Irani, is considered the founder of modern 'fundamentalist' theory. He was appointed Grand (Mufti in 1899, by Lord Cromer (of the Baring's Bank family) in order to legalise banking which the Azhar had pronounced harem in 1898. Cromer said of him: "I suspect my friend Abdu was in reality an agnostic." And of his salafi movement: "They are the natural allies of the European reformer." In Cairo the Post-Office Savings Bank was established in 1900 and the Agricultural Bank in 1902. [Modern Egypt: Cromer, Vol. 2,1908 ]
Every basic law of Islam that was swept aside, opened the door to kafir rule, poverty and disgrace. The much vaunted liberty, fraternity and equality were for an occupying force but not for the Muslims themselves. Once the Law of the Dhimmis was abolished it was a matter of time before the Turkish army was to forbid its soldiers to pray in Jama'at.
The police are to be found at the doors of the Sultan Ahmad Mosque on Jumu'ah, not at the synagogue or the cathedral. The people of the Book had always been protected, but in the end it was the Muslims who were forbidden to celebrate dhikr in the tekkes, the sufic Shaykhs, guardians of wisdom, silenced, imprisoned and killed. The turning of the Mevlevi sufis can be presented to the Catholic (Greek) Queen of Spain as ballet, yet remains forbidden to Muslims as an act of meditation.
Slavery, too, must be understood in the Islamic perspective. Slavery is an inescapable and constant part of the human situation. Islam does not abolish it, nowhere is that decreed. The fact is that a significant part of Islamic Law (one quarter of Al-Muwatta) deals with its strict laws. Islamic Law places the slave in domestic custody, assuring food and clothing, on a par with the owner. Most importantly, Islam does not consider slavery a doom. The slave moves to freedom through marriage or financial ability. Essentially, the slave goes from the base of society to its highest offices. All the governing elite of the Osmani state had been slaves. From the wife of Suleyman the Magnificent to the mother of Sultan Abdalhamid, the powerful political wives of the Sultan had been slaves.
It cannot be ignored that slavery, being unavoidable, simply metamorphoses under a different name, and without any legal protection whatsoever. The alternative is not 'liberty' anymore than the post-dhimmi situation offered 'fraternity'. The modern slave is, of course, the refugee. The refugee is doomed to social degradation, concentration camp status, permanent non-citizen stateless helplessness. Hong Kong Vietnamese, Rwanda Hutu, Afghan, Tibetan, Palestinian, and the slaughtered victims, of Sabra and Shatila. They are in institutionalised slavery, watched over and unrescued by the U.N. Commission on Refugees.
The so-called liberation of women, far from freeing them has plunged them into a social chaos, unprotected, the victims now of serial killers (a quite new phenomenon), rapists - with rape as a growing social reality already commonplace, wife-beating and ; the collapse of the institution of marriage, along with the acceptance of adultery as socially tolerable. School children are issued with contraceptives. Abortion - which in Islam has no legislation pertaining to it, but a dislike of it in custom - is an encouraged norm since it provides the beauty industry with anti-ageing preparations derived from aborted placentas. Add to this the advertising force of Hollywood's misogynistic movies endlessly portraying women as victims of male rage, and the results are clear to see. All but total social breakdown, and women unable to wield significant political power as they did in the Osmani-'Umma.
Lastly, the kafir society's social foundations rest on the institution of usury, called banking, which with its stock exchanges and worthless paper money has enslaved the whole world under the control of a tiny oligarchy of criminal adventurers, the great banker dynasties. Their corporation capitalist hegemony has all but destroyed the world's ecology, and devastated its social and population balance. Far from bringing 'equality' it has, in its name, guaranteed the oppression of the world's masses. The responsibility to free mankind from banking capitalism is the task of mankind's Middle Kingdom, the one 'Umma of Muslim peoples. Turkey must take up its Islamic task, as Ghazi Osman did, and unfurl the wrapped banner that waits for its hero in the Topkapi.
The purpose of this text is to confirm inescapably that our defeat was at the hands of the usurers, not the soldiers. No army can stand against the army of Islam - but no usury can survive Allah's and Rasul's declaration of war on it either.
